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The Forex Peace Army is one of the best possible research resources for you as a trader as a beginner. This organisation can help you best pick out your broker or find a different broker if you would like to switch. The Forex Peace Army best broker also fills their site with forums, blogs, books, and other information to help best educate you on the world of Forex and Forex trading.
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https://preview.redd.it/ebwfxaalgzt91.png?width=1208&format=png&auto=webp&s=abefbd2a893f5afeb60954f5525aa4fd536c086dsubmitted by catbulliesdog to wallstreetbets [link] [comments]
Up about ~$14000 total as of this week in realized and unrealized gains. A less than impressive gain since my last update (was up about ~$12000 realized and unrealized) but whatever the hell it was that happened on CPI day did a number on me. Since many people appear to be having issues with images on Reddit lately, in addition to the above, here's the current positions written out.
I've significantly rebalanced my positions, the account I was using for holding shares has since been switched over to income generating energy plays on oil, natural gas, and uranium. I've also dumped a lot of my index shorts to open a little under $8000 in Apple and Amazon puts.
The food shortage plays aren't looking great, the harvest came in worse than expected this fall, but I may have gotten the timing for the pricing in of that bad harvest wrong. Will probably look to roll out and add to the agricultural positions to next spring/summer. Ag ETF positions omitted from picture because AutoMod didn't like them.
C0RN - 27.60 (last update 26.91)
10 2/17/23 31c
W3AT - 8.75 (last update 8.82)
10 1/20/23 17c
20 1/20/23 18c
S0YB - 26.46 (last update 26.88)
10 11/18 29c
10 2/17/23 29c
SPXS - 28.87 (last update 27.14)
8 11/4 30c
SPXU - 21.92
11 12/16 21c
SPY - 357.63 (last update 367.95)
4 11/18 330p
7 12/16 300p
4 3/17/23 255p
4 1/19/24 210p
AAPL - 138.83
100 12/16 80p
100 12/16 70p
50 6/16 60p
AMZN - 106.90
50 12/16 65p
Link to the post laying out my general thesis on this play. And since this somehow became a thing in the comments of that post - yeah, that's not a straight screenshot of any of my brokerage accounts, I put the images from Schwab, Fidelity, and ETrade together into one picture on MS Paint because I've got no interest in sharing my full accounts or account numbers with the internet.
I'm not a fan of diamond handing options, blew up my account once like that, now I take profits. The italicized positions are new since last update, and were bought with profits from closing stuff.
I added the Apple and Amazon shorts because they're the two shittiest, most overpriced companies in the market, along with Tesla (tessie is going to die hard and fast once the HF's and institutions that are long on it start blowing up). Apple's consumer graph looks incredibly similar to Nike's, and well, look what happened after their last ER. Amazon is currently a great company (AWS) tied to a shitberg of money losing (everything else AMZN does). Jassy was a horrifically bad choice to head up Amazon as a whole because he doesn't understand what their marketplace's competitive advantage actually is or how it's being destroyed. Price target on AAPL = 45ish, on AMZN 25ish. Their PE's are 23 and 96 respectively. Both AAPL and AMZN also currently have Unionizing issues that are just going to keep increasing. Sooner or later TSLA will get unionized as well, at least at the factories.
I'd like to have more Amazon and any Tesla short positions, but right now I can't find a good entry on them, so I'll keep waiting until I do.
My optimistic case for global harvests is now -20%. Every international analysis I've looked at points to excess production from countries that don't have it to make up the shortfall. Supposedly the US is/has prepared a brief on just how bad it is, and that is not available to the public. I am no longer sure this will be priced in before my current options expire. Looking at potentially rolling my current ones out about 6 months, will add to them if I do.
As per one of my previous DD's, we're now seeing increased migration and violence around the world, with a second competing currency bloc forming primarily around Russia and China. There are some other countries that get lumped in with that, but I'm doubtful they all stick, given the tensions between many of them.
I'll take a second to recommend u/Peruvian_Bull 's DD posts on the collapse of the dollar as global reserve currency, there has been absolute chaos and carnage in the Forex markets lately and his stuff from over a year ago is pretty much playing out perfectly.
China's economy is basically a zombie being propped up by threats of violence to banking and real estate executives and local government officials. Once the China National Party Congress meeting ends (runs from 10/16 though 10/22) the wheels probably come off in a very, very bad way.
Tehran continues to have increasing protests after the Basij (religious police, everyone hates them) murdered a 22 year old woman for not wearing a hijab. Food prices are now higher than they were during the Arab Spring. These protests aren't as big of a deal as some in the west want to pretend, but they're a bigger deal and have more popular support than you'd think from the press coverage (lack) on them. Food prices and inflation are high enough this could easily take a wild turn very unexpectedly and very fast in Iran/KSA/Iraq/Syria/Egypt. All of these countries have large populations of young men and the temperature will get very hot in them in a couple of months. (the basic formula for societal unrest is lots of young men + poor job/future prospects + hot weather + high prices = violence)
Russia continues to experience issues with it's plan to draft people, and continues losing in Ukraine. Western leaders appear to be pulling a repeat of the Treaty of Versailles mistakes of just thinking they can grind a country down indefinitely instead of giving them a way out. The Ukrainian provinces currently being fought over were in open rebellion/civil war for years before Russia invaded, and would make some nice "buffer states" in any peace deal. Russia's conventional army is basically gone at this point, going forwards they'll be fighting asymmetrically with cyber attacks and hits on infrastructure leading to spikes in energy prices or big drops in markets.
India has halted Rice exports, after shutting down Wheat exports earlier this summer. California's Rice crop is, to put it mildly, toast. The poorest people eat rice - this one is going to get bad going forward.
You better watch out, Martians. 🚀🚀🚀submitted by Hiei80 to dogelon [link] [comments]
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Hello, I'm Matoro, KR's Eastern Europe dev. I'm happy to announce that the reworked Poland will be part of the next release, and here we'll be taking a look into how the country will work. The PR doesn't contain all of the new content, such as a number of late-game scenarios and other things that are meant to be left as easter eggs. Once Poland is ready, there's only Ukraine left of legacy Eastern Europe, and if things go well, it should be ready way quicker than Poland. Reason why we haven't released much PR's lately is that after some miscalculations we decided to only release them when the content shown is actually close to release. I will hand you over to another one of the team members, Klyntar King, who wrote this PR's lore section. The gameplay section was written by katie.submitted by MatoroTBS to Kaiserreich [link] [comments]
Early during the Great War there was much excitement in Poland about cooperating with the Central Powers, most prominently in Piłsudski's Polish Legions. These hopes were eventually crushed - first, Germany made sure to outmanoeuvre any Austrian attempts to establish an independent, united Polish state, and then in the Oath Crisis the Legions were disbanded and most of their leadership imprisoned. When the Central Powers signed the Brotfrieden with Ukraine in 1918, they were met with anger from the Polish population, and the occupiers were hard-pressed to act on their promises of returning Chelm. The Regency Council would create the Council of State as a provisional representative body with 110 seats, and two blocs formed: The National Electoral Committee, formed by the “Activists”; politicians willing to cooperate with the Central Powers, and the Interpartisan Political Circle (MKP) made up of “Passivists”, with largely pro-Entente sympathies. After an election in April, a majority of the elected seats were won by the MKP.
While the situation was relatively calm, the Regency Council spent most of its efforts asserting its authority and independence as much as possible, without attracting the ire of the occupiers. By November, as the Germans focused on their preparations for their Spring Offensive and István Burián returned as Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, the Council found themselves in a good position, and made headway into finally solving the Polish Question; the Germans wanted to limit potential distractions in the East, while Burián reneged on an Austro-Polish Solution, largely conceding to German demands. However, when the Regency announced the formation of a Constituent Sejm to decide on a constitution, it was met with sharp criticism. The left, especially the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), had been largely left out in the process and launched a general strike, to the result that several concessions would be extracted before the situation calmed down.
On January 9th 1919, the final agreement on Poland's borders, the election of the King, and the gradual transfer of authority to the Polish state, was signed at Spa. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Poland would be adopted on February 20 and was largely based on Germany's, being a mix of progressive democratic and reactionary monarchist ideals: It would have a bicameral legislature, with the Council of State becoming known as the Senate, and the Sejm elected by universal suffrage forming the lower house, while the future King was granted significant powers from the appointment of the Prime Minister to veto powers over legislation.
The initial news of the new constitution and final agreement with Poland's occupiers was largely poorly received, however the Central Powers’ victories in the Great War kept the situation under control, as it became clear that the current government was now Poland's best hope, and that working with them would ensure the Central Powers would remain faithful to their promises.
By October, local authority was returned to the Poles, and the Regency Council made their decision on Poland's new king. The Austro-Hungarians gave in to German pressure, as the latter made thinly-veiled threats as to the consequences of the Regency choosing to elect the Austro-Hungarian Emperor, with him forming a personal union between Austria-Hungary and Poland. Archduke Karl Stephan, another Habsburg candidate, was also unwilling to lead a German puppet state, and forbidden by the Emperor to accept any offer of the crown. Therefore, the Regency settled on the choice that would invoke the most goodwill from Berlin: Kaiser Wilhelm's fourth son August Wilhelm, or Auwi. It was announced to indifferent crowds that Poland would henceforth be "An Independent, Sovereign Nation ruled by King August IV". In return, the Germans retroceded the vaguely-defined border strip and the Chelm province, something they had promised to do essentially as a bribe if the Regency Council would elect the otherwise unpopular August Wilhelm. Soon after, command of the Polish Royal Army was transferred to the King, and the Generalgouvernements of Warsaw and Lublin were disbanded. German influence remained with the King's Privy Council, his Senate appointments, and the remaining German military mission. Austrian influence, while reduced, remained through the League of Polish Statehood, its embassy in Warsaw, and consulate in Lublin. Peace and law returned to Poland through the disarmament and crushing of Polish rebels who refused to hand over their arms, and the pardoning of those who took up positions in the new Royal Army.
Thus in 1920 the reign of August IV began.
The first Sejm election in 1920 reflected the new status quo. While the PPS boycotted them as a sham, the Sejm's composition was largely progressive despite a pro-government conservative plurality. As the "Activist" and "Passivist" distinction became increasingly irrelevant after 1918, the two original factions of the Regency had folded into the Interpartisan Political Circle as a pro-government, Szlachta (or nobility) -dominated conservative bloc against an unofficial reformist bloc in the Sejm. However, the Christian-Democratic Party, "Chadecja", broke off from the circle in response. Nevertheless, their opposition in the Sejm proved mild, and they were willing to work with their former bloc, as long as the King showed willingness to work with democratic institutions, while a coalition between Chadecja and the People's Party (PSL) failed to materialise.
The economy also benefited from German investment in new railroad building projects, with the construction boom benefitting Poland immensely due to its position as the transport hub of the Oststaaten, and light industry began to tick up in the big cities. Economic ties with Polish communities in Galicia also deepened, despite the crownlands continuance in harbouring Austrophile Poles who were radically opposed to the monarchy. After their absence from the first mandate of the Sejm, the PPS abandoned their boycott and announced they would participate in the next election, realising the Kingdom would not collapse as anticipated, and that they would be needed in the Sejm to represent the working class and to push for further reforms. The result was an even more divided parliament. At the same time, the centre-right further asserted itself by forming the Christian Union of National Unity, "Chjena", which included Chadecja and more reform-minded breakaways of the Circle. As a result, Jan Kucharzewski, a former National Democrat in the Circle, returned to form a new government with a wide coalition of conservative, christian-democrat and peasant delegates. The peace and growth returning to Poland meant that land reform was attempted, however the need to keep the support of the Szlachta in parliament stifled this initiative, and the pace of reform could not keep up with the growing population. In 1925, after significant pressure from the Sejm, Pilsudski was released and moved to house arrest in Warsaw, where he was carefully watched for signs of contact with republicans.
Inflation also became an issue, as the state had printed significant amounts of money to fund the suppression of the rebels in the early days of the kingdom, and now had resorted to printing more Polish Marka in order to fund reconstruction and agricultural reform. With the currency spiralling out of control, August IV dismissed Kucharzewski and appointed another National Democracy defector, Feliks Młynarski, as Prime Minister.
Młynarski embarked on an ambitious programme of currency reform, founding the Bank of Poland and replacing the Marka with the newly revived Zloty. The new currency was well-received within Poland and abroad, with Germany content to allow the degree of economic independence Austria desired of Poland in order to avoid economic troubles harming their eastern investments. During this time as well, General von Beseler, ever a controversial figure within Poland, agreed with August IV to retire and give up his position at the head of the German military mission to Wolfgang von Kries. As the marriage between the monarchy and the Polish right deepened, the Młynarski government revived the National Democracy project of Polonisation, mainly aimed at Jews and in the areas with a Ukrainian minority around Chelm. While Germans were largely exempted from the anti-minority policies of the Polish government, to avoid drawing the ire of Berlin, the policy would see the use of Yiddish clamped down upon in cities and schools, even in synagogues in some areas. While this gained the approval of Polish nationalists, especially from the remaining National Democrats, it also gained the ire of many progressives and leftists, who began to cooperate more closely in the Sejm against the growing influence of Endecja in the government.
In 1931, the near decade of peace would be rocked by the Creditanstalt Crisis in Austria, which sent shockwaves through the whole Austrian Empire and into Poland, where a decline in new railroad contracts and a bank failure meant a brief recession. Fresh elections were called, and the King’s ministers were compelled to accept a broad coalition consisting of Chjena, the People’s Party, and social democratic moderates from the Polish Socialist Party, excluding the Interpartisan Political Circle for the first time. Tomasz Nocznicki, a leading PSL politician and participant in the old Council of State, became Prime Minister. While the nobility were alarmed, their influence over the Sejm had been steadily declining since the end of the Regency, and there were secret hopes among some Poles that the old party of the now-retired and officially apolitical Pilsudski would be able to bring about the abolition of the monarchy, or at least greater autonomy in foreign affairs. These hopes were dashed however, as the PPS’ ministers in the new government took the pragmatic course of collaborating with the king. Their leader, Norbert Barlicki, saw the German SPD and their support of the monarchy as a model for Poland.
The new coalition embarked upon an ambitious etatist project inspired by the economics of Michał Kalecki and Edward Lipiński, two of Poland’s most prominent economists. The new economy minister Władysław Kosieradzki, allied with his brother Paweł as Minister of Agriculture, initiated and gained royal assent for a massive industrial investment plan, to be funded by huge borrowing from both the Bank of Poland and from Germany. Approximately a billion Zloty were allocated to the Polish Industrial Plan, and were spent on developing heavy industry to supplement Poland’s light consumer goods industries. Areas of high unemployment received huge investment, new steel mills were constructed, an enormous automobile factory built in Lublin, roads and canals dug to improve transport, and new cities were founded almost overnight.
Socially, the coalition was no less ambitious, all the parties in the coalition agreed on the end of Polonisation, to the ire of the nobility and the far right. Unemployment insurance and child benefits were also introduced, to help ease issues caused by Poland’s population boom as Poles from the border regions immigrated to seek work in Poland proper during the four year plan. Censorship of the press was scaled back, and books and cinema that glorified Poland’s independent history grew more common and popular.
In the end, Poland's Four Year Plan would see her economic woes recede and her Economic Miracle be hailed as a great success. Not popular, however, was the immense level of state debt, and in 1934 as the plan was coming to an end, the National Alliance began to fragment. As relations with the Commune of France worsened, distrust of leftist economists like Lipiński began to intensify, and another attempt at land reform would rouse the ire of the great magnates that still ruled the countryside. With the support of the Christian Democrats, the King dissolved the Sejm and called for fresh elections, declaring the coalition to have “served its purpose”.
The subsequent Sejm election later that year was marred with increased polarisation, followed by the return of the MKP into power. The King appointed Antoni Ponikowski, who formed another coalition government with Chjena. In response to their controversial ousting, the People’s Party and the Polish Socialist Party organised the Union for Defence of Law and Freedom of People, also known as “Centrolew”, as a political bloc to oppose the Circle’s contentious government. Nevertheless, Centrolew did not secure a majority in the Sejm, though their position threatened the stability of the government, if the Circle failed to maintain their alliance with the Christian-Democrats.
As the political situation grew increasingly fragile, the next year saw the death of Józef Piłsudski. While long retired and officially apolitical, the death of the beloved leader of the Legions saw a public outpouring of sympathy, coupled with intensified criticism of the government and German influence in the country, which the King ultimately symbolised.
This exposed a weakness that the royal government had known about for a while, but had been able to ignore as a result of economic prosperity and the threat of German invasion: the King, despite his best efforts, was not actually very popular at all. While accepted at first for his distance in political matters, he had lost considerable goodwill among his adoptive subjects after ousting Nocznicki’s cabinet.
As 1936 dawns and Poland faces an uncertain future, there is a palpable sense of uncertainty in the air. The economy is stable, but the King has never felt more threatened than he had in the last two years. Piłsudski’s final gift to Poland was a reminder to the Germans: they were foreigners ruling over Poles, they might have their loyalty for now, but if the Empire were ever to show weakness, there would be hell to pay.
Currently, Poland is in a strange spot in Kaiserreich. Strangely, despite being almost completely surrounded by the alliance, it does not start the game as a member of the Reichspakt, and is able to conveniently slip outside of Germany’s sphere of influence without too much trouble, or any say on Germany’s part. Furthermore, despite the country existing for almost 20 years since the end of the Weltkrieg, it for some reason had an ongoing regency, the outcome of which conveniently determined the player’s path. This rework attempts to create a more plausible starting situation, as given in the lore above, while also making Poland’s gameplay more unique and up to the standards of its more recently reworked neighbours and allies, White Ruthenia and the Kingdom of Lithuania. Without further ado, let’s get onto it!
Poland begins the game as a Prussian-style, somewhat authoritarian, constitutional monarchy led by August IV of the House of Hohenzollern, youngest son of Kaiser Wilhelm II. He rules with the Interpartisan Circle (Międzypartyjne Koło Polityczne), an alliance of moderate liberals, more Catholic-orientated nationalists, the nobility, and other supporters of a pro-German direction - or at least the status quo. Much of the conservative political establishment supports the monarchy - not because they like Germany, but because their interests align.
Before Poland's path is set in the 1938 elections, there are two small-scale political branches for the early game. August IV himself does not have much interest in politics, and is easily swayed by his Privy Council and ministers. He can choose to cooperate with the liberals and moderates in the Interpartisan Circle, increasing monarchy's popularity through democratisation and reducing his own power. Alternatively, he can choose to ally himself with those who represent German interests, sacrificing his popularity but cracking down on subversive elements in the country.
Despite being a member of the Reichspakt, Austrian interests also take a significant role in the Kingdom’s politics and economy, chiefly because of close economic cooperation with Galician Poland. So long as Poland remains aligned to either Germany or Austria, these interests will be an ever-present factor in the Polish economy. The amount of German or Austrian influence will influence various factors, such as the amount of control they have over Poland’s economy, affecting the starting national spirit. Both Great Powers can leverage their economic influence in different ways, possibly eventually securing Poland in their sphere, but they can also simply seek to maximize profits from Poland with the cost of destabilizing them further.
With the collapse of Berlin’s economy, Poland feels the ramifications immediately. August IV will call an emergency session of the Sejm, pressuring it to resolve the crisis quickly. A focus tree branch will open up allowing the player to take focuses to alleviate the situation. Some of these focuses will have specific requirements, such as Germany or Austria having completed a certain national focus, or Poland controlling a numbered threshold of its economy.
The Election of ‘38
You may have noticed certain modifiers such as the popularity of the Monarchy and Republican influence. These tie into the Stability of the Kingdom mechanic, and you will be playing from the perspective of the coalition between the Monarchists and Nationalists. Their opponents are the Republicans and the Socialists, who at different times may work with or against each other. As the game progresses, you will come across numerous events that may strengthen one of these factions, some of which can reoccur. Other events, such as the election of the PPS’s chairman, will only happen once, and may be able to influence events later on depending on what options you go with.
In the middle of 1936, a conspiracy will be unveiled in the Kingdom. You will gain decisions that allow you to investigate groups in Poland, available until the election occurs. With every investigation you will have to make certain choices on how to deal with these groups - when you compose the final report you will gain a national spirit depending on your choices, and this will of course affect how powerful the socialists and nationalists are.
Managing these four competing factions will take much of your time in the years leading to the election, and each of them has a foreign backer capable of influencing the Polish situation. August IV's regime is obviously sponsored by Germany, while Austria supports the republicans, largely out of pragmatism. Austria has not forgotten how Germany essentially outmanoeuvred them out from any of their own designs on Poland during the Weltkrieg, and removing August IV through the Polish opposition seems like the best option to bring Poland into their own sphere. The Austrians’ vehicle for this ambition is the “Centrolew”, a political alliance between the moderate Polish Socialist Party and the People’s Party, carrying the flame of republicanism in Poland, yet not outright demanding the abdication of the King, should they succeed in their elections.
The nationalists, in the form of the National Democrats, are discreetly sponsored by the Russians, another alliance borne from pragmatism back in the imperial days. Socialists are directed and supported by the revolutionary committee in exile in Paris.
After a heated 2 years, the elections will finally take place…
His Majesty’s Cabinet (Liberal)
If the Monarchist-Nationalist coalition wins the election, and Monarchist support is higher than Nationalist support, then the Interpartisan Circle will continue ruling Poland. Their aim is to strip August IV of power and transform Poland into genuine constitutional monachy, though in foreign policy they support continuing cooperation with Germany, but with as much freedom as they can have. They take up the Market Liberal ideology slot.
His Majesty’s Cabinet (Authoritarian)
Regardless of who had the most support for the elections, the King will be able to appoint Władysław Studnicki from the Statehood Party as the President of Ministers. Studnicki and the Statehood Party are conservative and pro-German, who seek to entrench Berlin’s influence in Poland. They take up the Authoritarian Democrat ideology slot.
His Majesty’s Cabinet (Constitutionalist and Authoritarian) Focus Tree
If the Monarchist-Nationalist coalition wins the election, and Nationalist support is higher than Monarchist support, then the ChZJN (Christian Union of National Unity) will take power. Although remaining pragmatic towards the monarchy, they seek to distance themselves from German influence and desire to put forth nationalist policies, as well as cement the Catholic Church’s status in Poland. They take up the Social Conservative ideology slot.
ChZJN Focus Tree
Ascension of the Centrolew
If the Centrolew coalition wins the election, then a new government will be formed, led by either the People’s Party (Social Liberal) or the Polish Socialist Party (Social Democrat). Regardless, when the Centrolew attempts to push forward legislation that weakens the Privy Council or the Senate, it will be immediately vetoed by the King. In protest, the Prime Minister will resign, and the King will appoint Władysław Studnicki as Prime Minister. The Centrolew will organise mass protests scheduled to take place in two months, in what is dubbed the “Clover Revolution” after the Clover symbols used by the People's Party. If they succeed, a free, democratic republic will be declared, initially under social democratic Norbert Barlicki.
Of course, this will not go unnoticed by Germany. When Germany demands Poland to reinstate the monarchy, the player may ask Vienna to intervene on their behalf, thus joining the Donau-Adriabund, securing Poland in the Austrian sphere, and reuniting two halves of Poland. In the Ukraine rework partition of Galicia will be made more complex, as the rework can have democratic Ukraine with pro-Austrian tendencies.
The Centrolew government will then work towards implementing their ambitious reforms, such as secularization of the state, land reform, nationalisation of certain sectors, autonomies for national minorities and women’s suffrage. These radical policies will draw much ire from the Polish right, and if not decisive, the republic might not last very long...
Ascension of the Centrolew Focus Tree
The Path of Resistance
Even after the election, things won’t be smooth sailing for the ruling party in Poland. In most cases, there will be resistance supported by Reichspakt's enemies, as nationalists and socialists will agitate against the government. If their efforts succeed, Poland will, in one way or another, revolt and be at war with its former German overlords. If Poland wishes to avoid uprising, these issues can be contained either through increasing stability or building genuinely popular constitutional monarchy. Germany, Austria, Russia and France can all influence the situation in Poland. Both monarchy and democratic republic can succumb to uprising, if handled poorly.
Assuming the conditions are met, Poland’s nationalist revolt will begin under the leadership of Adam Doboszyński and the National Party. Doboszyński captured the leadeship of the movement after death of Roman Dmowski in 1939, but he is not a military leader nor is he particularly beloved by Endecja and the ChZJN, as many of his views are radical even for National Democrats. To reflect this, he will have to show he is capable of leading the revolt. If he is victorious in his struggle against the other nationalist factions, he will consolidate power, allowing him to pursue his vision of a Poland based on his radically Catholic, anti-capitalist and distributist ideas. Doboszyński occupies the National Populist ideology slot. His great vision is that of Union of Slavic States, which would include Lithuania, West Slavic nations, Belarus and Ukraine... but actually achieving this won't be easy.
In the case that the ChZJN took power in the 1938 elections, Poland will have the option of revolting against Germany in a different way. At any time during the Weltkrieg, assuming the conditions are met, the player will be able to execute Operation Parasol. Executing Operation Parasol will have Edward Rydz-Śmigły take reins of the conservative Polish government and revolt against Germany. He will attempt to guide the Polish nation himself by centralising power, establishing a cult of personality and ridding Poland of its enemies. He leads the OZN (Party of National Unification), a party that characterises itself as an apolitical movement seeking to unite all Poles under one banner. In reality, however, the OZN is about the same politically as the National Democrats, espousing Polish nationalism and militarism. Rydz-Śmigły and the OZN occupy the Paternal Autocrat ideology slot.
The Republic path can also possibly turn Social Conservative, depending on the circumstances, and they will have access to the same tree that the Social Conservatives under the Kingdom does.
Full Tree for the Nationalists (SocCon, PatAut, NatPop)
Assuming the conditions are met, Poland’s socialist revolt will begin under the leadership of Kazimierz Zakrzewski. Zakrzewski belongs to the radical, Sorelian-minded wing of the ZZZ (Union of Trade Unions), and will attempt to centralise power around himself. Calling for a strong executive to protect the revolution, Zakrzewski and his supporters will attempt to give him dictatorial powers. If the assembly of the provisional government chooses to support this, Poland will turn Totalist, and the player will be able to implement his unorthodox ideas.
If the assembly does not support Zakrzewski’s power grab, instead empowering the anarchists, moderate syndicalists and other socialists, elections will be held where the player can put one of these factions into power. These factions will have access to the same branch of the focus tree. If Zakrzewski is elected he will lead without pursuing dictatorial ambitions.
Expansion of syndicalist Poland has two different directions - either towards consolidation of West Slavs under one loose confederation, or towards the east, in the spirit of Piłsudskian Intermarium project.
Socialist Tree (Both Paths)
For years, the Polish military has been transformed into a small yet effective fighting force, commonly called “Germany’s Eastern Bulwark” - but of course, it is no guarantee that Poland will stay loyal to Germany, nor that it will follow this path if they remain loyal, either. To illustrate this, after you finish the starting tree at the top available to all ideologies, Poland may have access to four different military trees.
“Germany’s Eastern Bulwark” is available if Poland is in the Reichspakt. “Armia Ludowa” is available to Centrolew and the socialists. “Legacy of the Legions” is available to all Polish governments and alignments except if it is socialist. “Vanguard of the Internationale” is only available to the socialists.
Full Polish Military Tree
On final note, the PR does not show every possible scenario, faction and leader that Poland can have. There's quite bit of content now shown here, and hopefully you will get to explore it yourself soon.
And that’s it for today! Thank you all for reading, I hope you enjoyed it! To end it off, here is the entire tree for the new Poland!
PS. Many have asked why the king is August Wilhelm and not for example a Wettin. The choice is based on memoirs of Austro-Hungarian foreign minister Istvan Burian, where he says that in meeting with Prince Janusz Radziwill and German foreign minister Paul von Hintze Germans made it clear that they considered August Wilhelm as option for the throne.
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